[MGSA-L] Church and state in Greece - A new concordat?
Christos D. Katsetos
cd_katsetos at yahoo.com
Sat Nov 22 14:27:50 PST 2014
The Greek society is a traditional society having a fair share of faults and weaknesses, prejudices and insecurities. Doubtless, it is also a society in need of further strides toward a culture of tolerance, inclusion, and respect for religious freedom and humanrights of minority groups according to the tenets of the civil society. At the same time, Greece's portrayal as one of the most "theocratic" countries is exaggerated and politicallyslanted as it encroaches on Article 3 of the Greek Constitution (viz. Relations of Churchand State) stating that the prevailing religion in Greece is that of the Eastern Orthodox Church of Christ. I submit that freedom of religion and minority rights are not inherently antithetical withthe existence of a sovereign nation state with a "prevailing" (dominant), albeit not a "dominating" religion.
Στο άρθρο 3 του Συντάγματος αναφέρεται ότι « επικρατούσαθρησκεία στην Ελλάδα είναι η θρησκεία της Ανατολικής ΟρθόδοξηςΕκκλησίας του Χριστού». Γίνεται δεκτό ότι ο όρος επικρατούσαθρησκεία δεν έχει την έννοια ότι η θρησκεία της ΑνατολικήςΟρθοδόξου Εκκλησίας του Χριστού ασκεί κάποιο είδος επικυριαρχίαςστις λοιπές θρησκείες . Ο όρος «επικρατούσα» θρησκεία σημαίνειαπλά ότι η ορθόδοξη θρησκεία είναι η θρησκεία την οποία ακολουθείη πλειοψηφία του ελληνικού λαού και ως εκ τούτου αποτελεί τηνεπίσημη θρησκεία του κράτους. Στο σύστημα της επικρατούσαςθρησκείας όλες οι εκκλησίες είναι νομικά ισότιμες, απλά ηεπικρατούσα απολαύει ορισμένα προνόμια ως « πρώτη μεταξύ ίσων» γιαλόγους ιστορικούς και πρακτικούς ( ημερολόγιο, επίσημο εορτολόγιοκαι δοξολογίες, ορκωμοσίες, εικόνες-θρησκευτικά σύμβολα, σεδημόσιους χώρους όπως εκπαιδευτήρια, δικαστήρια, μάθημαθρησκευτικών, μισθοδοσία κληρικών κλπ). Από νομική άποψη ηεπικρατούσα θρησκεία δεν κατέχει ανώτερη θέση , σε σύγκριση με τιςάλλες αναγνωριζόμενες θρησκείες και δεν έρχεται σ΄ αντίθεση με τηναρχή ίσης μεταχείρισης όλων των θρησκειών. Επίσης η προμετωπίδα«εις το όνομα της Αγίας και Ομοούσιου και Αδιαιρέτου Τριάδος»έχει τεθεί στο Σύνταγμα μόνο για λόγους παράδοσης.
[Excerpted from the dissertation of Panayota Boltsi, Faculty of Law, Capodistrianand National University of Athens -- pdf available on request]. ================================Christos D. Katsetos, MD, PhD, FRCPath
From: June Samaras <june.samaras at gmail.com>
To: HELLAS-GREECE <HELLAS-GREECE at googlegroups.com>; MGSA List <mgsa-l at uci.edu>
Sent: Saturday, November 22, 2014 3:55 PM
Subject: [MGSA-L] Church and state in Greece - A new concordat?
Church and state in Greece - A new concordat?
Nov 21st 2014, 14:48 BY B.C. | THESSALONIKI
IN THE churches of this country's second city, some of which date from the Byzantine era, there was a decent turnout of worshippers this morning for one of the most enigmatic and mystical rites of the Greek church calendar: a service commemorating the moment when the Virgin Mary, as a young girl, is said to have gone to live in the Jerusalem Temple and prepared to become a new kind of "temple" herself by carrying a divine child in her womb.
The liturgical poetry was reassuringly familiar, but there is nervousness in the chilly autumn air. Apart from the personal hardship that many church-goers are facing because of a lingering economic crisis, they face a new uncertainty in the coming months—the possible advent of a leftist government which is committed to separating church and state in what has hitherto been one of the most "theocratic" countries in Europe. If, as seems very possible, the current legislature fails to muster the necessary votes to elevate a new state president early next year, there will be early parliamentary elections, and the leftist Syriza party—led by a veteran of the communist youth movement, Alexis Tsipras—could well top the poll.
At full stretch, severing the connection between church and state would presumably mean: i) stripping the Orthodox church of its constitutionally guaranteed role as the "prevailing religion" in Greece; ii) ending the arrangement where priests and many other people who work for the church are on the state pay-roll; iii) tidying up and in some cases sequestering the church's vast and ill-defined property portfolio; iv) putting a stop to the prayers and confessional instruction which are part of the daily diet for almost all pupils at state schools; v) ending all tax exemptions for religious institutions. Certainly there are plenty of secular leftists in Greece who would love to do all that. At a time when Greece's old left-right fissures are widening again, there is lots of anti-clerical feeling among socialists who suspect the church leadership of colluding with the political right or even far-right. But in reality, say people close to the world of church-state relations, the old ties are loosening already and this process might not accelerate all that much under a hard-leftist government.
Already, under a conservative-led government, the rate at which priests are being ordained, and hence joining the state pay-roll, has slowed to a trickle—not for any ideological reason but because of internationally-mandated budget cuts. And the old practice of inculcating school-children with Orthodox Christian doctrine is giving way to something more like "religious studies" as classrooms fill up with migrants from places ranging from Albania to China.
And for several reasons, a Syriza-led government would hold probably hold back from a head-on confrontation with the church. One is that the church has played a big role in providing food, medicine and other basics to victims of the economic crisis who would otherwise be desperate; Syriza might not like that state of affairs, but it can't be changed overnight. Another is that changing any part of the Greek constitution is a burdensome procedure—it can't be done in the lifetime of a single parliament—and stripping out all the provisions which privilege the church and various monasteries would take an enormous amount of political energy and time. Yet another is that Greece has a small but modestly flourishing tradition of "religious leftism"—people who combine religious faith with radical political ideas—and that is one of the many impulses that Syriza seeks to harness.
A new biography has just appeared of one of Greece's better-known champions of the political left. A turbulent cleric called Father George Pirounakis who opposed the right-wing dictatorship of 1967-1974, supported student uprisings against the junta, and later demanded that bishops who had succoured the tyrants should be held to account. During the 1980s, he was temporarily suspended from ecclesiastical life because he agreed to help an initiative by a Socialist government that would have stripped the church of some of its land. By the end of his life in 1988, he was disappointed by the fact that church and state leadership had settled their differences by striking a cosy political bargain that left the property holdings intact. Such bargains have been struck many times in the past, and the chances are that there will be plenty more.
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